Gas pipeline from Turkmenistan to Pakistan on the table again
Endemic volatility in Afghanistan has long stalled Turkmenistan's plans to build a potentially lucrative gas pipeline
to Pakistan. In recent weeks, however, with the demise of the Taliban, talk of a new pipeline has begun to
resurface.
Turkmenistan's authoritarian President Saparmurad Niyazov has long advocated construction of a new gas export
pipeline through neighbouring Afghanistan. Even Niyazov's opponents concede that such a pipeline would serve
Turkmenistan's best interests.
The trans-Afghan gas pipeline from Turkmenistan to Pakistan, if realized, would surely come as a positive
development, former Turkmen foreign minister and opposition leader Avdy Kuliyev said. It would contribute to regional
stability as it would benefit all parties in Central Asia, said Kuliyev, who is currently based in Moscow.
An increasing number of former Turkmen officials are now based in Russia and Western Europe, lobbying for democratic
changes in their native land. However, their criticism of Niyazov's dictatorial ways has fallen on deaf ears so
far.
In the meantime, Niyazov is pursuing his pipeline dream. As peace is being installed in Afghanistan, it is now
possible to build a pipeline to Pakistan. Niyazov met Afghanistan's interim minister of energy and water resources,
Muhammad Shaker Kargar, to discuss energy cooperation.
Kargar reportedly confirmed that the interim administration supports the pipeline plans -- also in order to export
Afghan gas. It has been understood that Niyazov plans to raise the pipeline issue with Afghanistan's interim leader
Hamid Karzai in the near future. Niyazov held telephone talks Karzai and invited him to visit Turkmenistan.
Moreover, on February 8 Karzai announced that he and Pakistani President General Pervez Musharraf had agreed to
revive a plan for a trans-Afghan gas pipeline from Turkmenistan. Karzai described the project as "very essential" and
"beneficial for the entire region".
Turkmenistan has been keen to reduce its heavy reliance on pipelines belonging to Russia possibly by construction of
new gas export pipelines to or through neighbouring Iran and Afghanistan. Currently, Russian pipelines are the main
outlet for Turkmenistan, which is believed to hold the fourth-largest natural-gas reserves in the world and heavily
depends on revenues from gas exports. Therefore Russia is well positioned to pressure Turkmenistan by restricting
access to export pipelines.
In October 1997, six international companies and the government of Turkmenistan formed Central Asia Gas Pipeline
(CentGas). The group was developing a project to build a 1,271 km pipeline to link Turkmenistan's abundant proven
natural-gas reserves with growing markets in Pakistan. The group is also considering an extension of the line to the
New Delhi area in India.
The CentGas consortium was to include, either directly or through affiliates: Unocal, 46.5 %; Delta Oil (Saudi
Arabia), 15 %; the government of Turkmenistan, 7 %; Indonesia Petroleum (INPEX) (Japan), 6.5 %; Itochu Oil
Exploration Co (CIECO) (Japan), 6.5 %; Hyundai Engineering & Construction (South Korea), 5 %; and the Crescent
Group (Pakistan), 3.5 %.
The proposed natural-gas pipeline would stretch from the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan border in south-eastern
Turkmenistan to Multan, Pakistan, with a 640 km extension to India under consideration. Estimated cost of the project
is $ 1.9 bn for the segment to Pakistan and an additional $ 600 mm for the extension to India.
The proposed pipeline was to carry natural gas from the Dauletabad Field in south-eastern Turkmenistan at a rate of
up to 2 bn cfpd (20 bn cmpy). The Dauletabad Field has estimated reserves of more than 700 bn cm.
It has been argued that this project could have sound economic fundamentals, given the market needs of Pakistan and
India. But in August 1998 Unocal halted development of the project after US forces fired missiles at guerrilla camps
in Afghanistan in the wake of bomb attacks on two US embassies in Africa.
Niyazov had long engaged the Taliban in a bid to stem cross-border instability in order to create favourable
conditions for his pipeline dream. Now, with an internationally recognized government in place in Kabul, Turkmenistan
is apparently renewing efforts to convince other interested parties that the project is economically feasible and
should be carried out.
Moreover, Turkmenistan has taken some practical steps. On February 8, Niyazov personally inaugurated a $ 180 mm
gas-compressing facility at the Dauletabad-15 gas field. Although the facility is designed to serve
Turkmenistan-Russia gas pipelines, obviously the new unit could serve another pipeline as well.
According to Niyazov, the pipeline project could be the foundation for a new commerce corridor for the region, often
referred to as the Silk Road of the 21st century. However, the project still faces significant economic, political
and commercial challenges. For instance, finalizing mutually acceptable commercial agreements may prove tricky, while
ongoing volatility in Afghanistan is likely to remain a problem.
The Taliban's demise does not necessarily imply an end of civil strife in Afghanistan, Kuliyev argues. On the other
hand, Niyazov with his long record of mercurial and questionable behaviour may not prove a reliable partner in any
major international project, he said. However, the current circumstances may well force Niyazov to be more
submissive, Kuliyev stated.
Furthermore, conflicting international interests could also affect the pipeline project. Both Russia and Iran would
like to see Turkmen gas riches flow across their respective borders, while the US and Turkey might want the Turkish
port of Ceyhan to be the end-point for Turkmen oil and gas. With such a high-stakes backdrop around the pipeline
plan, it could well remain on the drawing board for quite some time.
