War will do more harm than good to US economy
History is not always a reliable guide to the future. But the fact that every global recession in the past 30 years
has been preceded first by a crisis in the Middle East and then a spike in the oil price does little to reassure
those fretting over the economic consequences of a war on Iraq.
It may explain why the International Monetary Fund, a body not given to exaggeration, warned that ousting Saddam
Hussein would not be "a very healthy development", and one that could lead to the panic selling of shares.
The fund's image of "fear feeding on fear" on the world's stock exchanges emphasises that the devastation would not
be confined to the Middle East. Although there may be political capital in equating the Iraqi leader to Hitler there
is none in comparing world war two's reinvigoration of the US economy to any putative boost that America might enjoy
if it bombed Baghdad. The assessment this time is clearly tilting towards the view that a strike against Saddam would
be more of a burden thana boon.
The reason is oil, on which America runs. Contrary to hawkish opinion, a battle-scarred Iraq -- even a post-Saddam
one sympathetic to the US -- will not instantly produce millions of barrels of oil, despite the country's extensive
reserves. So oil is unlikely to head down quickly apart from shedding the "war premium" currently built into its
price.
But if the Iraqis lashed out at Saudi Arabian and Kuwaiti installations crude, according to former Saudi minister
Sheikh Yamani, could end up costing $ 100 a barrel. This would not help OPEC, whose members meet, as high prices hurt
oil-consuming, and hence oil-producing, nations. Experts reckon that a $ 10 rise in the price of oil cuts more than
0.2 % off growth in America and Europe.
Any draining away of growth will come at a time when the strength of the biggest economies is ebbing. American consumers are still spending on cheap Jeeps and property, but the stock market is slipping ominously downwards. George Bush's America is attracting less foreign direct investment, and is likely to produce fewer patents than under Bill Clinton. The result is that the country is moving from economic miracle -- 3 % growth a year for a decade -- to mirage in one presidency. If the US economy is spluttering, other economic superpowers are sinking. Europe is struggling to export goods, and consumers appear reluctant to spend.
Japan, the land of falling prices and wages, appears incapable of reviving its own fortunes, let alone the world's.
Previous experience may not be enough to avert disaster, as no recession is the same as the last. Crises in the past
have been marked by high inflation and low growth, but today the shadow of deflation is being cast.
Too many airline seats, too much steel and too much unused airtime on telephones all point to a collapse in prices in
these goods. Rising oil prices at first spark inflation, but end up being deflationary by reducing purchasing power.
These two conditions could usher in a very different downturn -- one which policymakers have not dealt with in
Britain since the 1920s and in the US since the 1930s.
The White House ought to be worrying about how to reflate the economy when its parlous state will have supplanted the
war on terror in opinion polls. War will do more harm than good to the US economy, and it is foolish to suggest
otherwise.
The 1973 Arab-Israeli conflict, the Iranian revolution and the first Gulf war all punctured global growth. The last
of these saw George Bush's father win a war and lose an election. If the president takes the battle to Iraq, he risks
history repeating itself.
